Gordian III and the imperial petition of Skaptopara
Villagers from Thrace petitioned the emperor Gordian III to end abuses from soldiers that threatened their ancestral homes.
Typology: Imperial petition
Original Location: Originally found in a bathhouse of the village of Cumaja, close to the modern city of Blagoevgrad (Bulgaria)
Current Location: Lost. A squeeze (impressed paper) is archived in the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum in Berlin
Date: 238 CE
Centuries: 3rd CE
Material: Not available
Measurements: Not available
Languages: Latin, Greek
Category: Roman, Greek
Publications: SEG 44.610 [IG.Bulg IV.2236; CIL III.12336; IGRR I.674]
Description: Large plate with the bilingual text divided in 3 columns
Edition :
This edition is based on Hauken, Tor, Petition and Response: An Epigraphic Study of Petitions to Roman Emperors, 181-249. Monographs from the Norwegian Institute at Athens, Vol. 2. Bergen: Jonsered, Sweden: Norwegian Institute at Athens; Distributor, P. Åstrøms Förlag, 1998, p. 85-91. Some diacritical marks have been updated to comply with the Leiden conventions.
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Bona Fortuna
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ulvio Pio et
otio Proculo cons(ulibus) XVII kal(endis) Ian(uariis) descriptum t |
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reconitum factum x ibro
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mino n(ostro) Imp(eratore) Cas(are) M(arco) Antonio Gordiano Pio Felice Aug(usto) t propo-
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5
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itrum oma in portico ermarum Trianarm in veba (uae) i(nfra) s(cripta) s(unt).
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II
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dat(um) pr Aur(elium) Purrum mil(item) coh(ortis) X (aetoriae)
(iae) (idelis) ordiana (enturiae) Proculi |
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concanu et conp{p}ossessrem.
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III
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Αὐτοκράτορι Καίσαρι Μ(άρκῳ) Ἀντωνίῳ
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Γορδιανῷ Εὐσεβεῖ Εὐτυχεῖ Σεβ(αστῷ) δέησις
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10
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παρὰ κωμητῶν Σκαπτοπαρηνων τῶν καὶ
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Γρησειτων· ἐν τοῖς εὐτυχεστάτοις καὶ
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αἰωνίοις σου καιροῖς κατοικεῖσθαι καὶ
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βελτιοῦσθαι τὰς κώμας ἤπερ ἀναστά-
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τους γίγνεσθαι τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας πολ-
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15
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λάκ(ις) ἀντέγραψας· ἔστιν γ καὶ ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν
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ἀνθρώπων σωτηρίᾳ τὸ τοιοῦτο καὶ ἐπὶ
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τοῦ ἱερωτάτου σου ταμείου ὠφελείᾳ·
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ὅπερ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἔννομον ἱκεσίαν
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τῇ θειότητί σου προσκομίομεν εὐ-
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20
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χόμενοι ἱλέως ἐπινεῦσαι ἡμεῖν
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δεομένοις τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον· οἰκοῦ-
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μεν καὶ κεκτήμεθα ἐν τῇ προγεγραμ-
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μένῃ κώμῃ οὔσῃ εὐεπεράστῳ διὰ τὸ
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ἔχειν ὑδάτων θερμῶν χρῆσιν καὶ κεῖ-
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25
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σθαι μέσον δύο στρατοπέδων τῶν ὄν-
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των ἐν τῇ σῇ Θρᾴκῃ, καὶ ἐφ’ οὗ μὲν τὸ
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πάλλαι οἱ κατοικοῦντες ἀόχλητοι
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καὶ ἀδειάσειστοι ἔμενον, ἀνενδεῶς̣
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τούς τε φόρους καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ἐπιτάγματα
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30
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συνετέλουν· ἐπεὶ δὲ κατὰ κα̣ιροὺς ε̣ἰς
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βι προχωρεῖν τινες κα̣ὶ βι̣άζεσθαι
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ἤρξαντο, τηνικαῦτα ἐ̣λ̣α̣ττοῦσθαι
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καὶ ἡ κώμη ἤρξατο· ἀπ̣ὸ γὰρ μειλίων δύ-
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ο τῆς κώμης ἡμ̣ῶν πανηγύρ̣ε̣ως
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35
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ἐπιτελουμένη̣ς δια̣βοήτου οἱ ἐκ̣ε̣ῖσε
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τῆς πανηγύρε̣ως εἵνεκεν ἐπιδη̣μο̣ῦ̣ν-
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τες ἡμέρα̣ις̣ π̣εντεκα̣ί̣δε̣κα ἐ̣ν τῷ̣
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τόπῳ τῆς πανηγύρεως οὐ̣ κα̣ταμ̣έ-
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νουσιν, ἀλλὰ ἀπολιμπάνοντ̣ες ἐ̣πέρ-
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40
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χοντ̣αι εἰς τὴν ἡμετέραν κώμην
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καὶ ἀναγκάζουσιν ἡμᾶς ξ̣ενίας α̣ὐ̣-
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τοῖς παρέχειν καὶ ἕτ̣ερα πλεῖστα εἰς ἀ̣-
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νάλη̣μψιν αὐτῶν ἄνευ ἀργ̣υρίου χ̣ο-
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ρ̣ηγεῖν· πρὸς δὲ τού̣τοις καὶ στρατιῶτ̣α̣ι
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45
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ἀλλαχοῦ πεμπόμενοι καταλιμπά-
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νοντες τὰς ἰδίας ὁδοὺς πρὸς ἡ̣μᾶς̣ π̣α̣-
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ραγείνον̣ται καὶ ὁμοίως κ̣ατε̣πείγουσιν
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παρέχειν αὐτοῖς τὰ̣ς̣ ξ̣ε̣ν̣ίας κα̣ὶ τὰ ἐπι-
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τήδια μηδ̣εμίαν τε̣ιμὴν καταβα̣λόντες̣·
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50
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ἐπιδημο̣ῦσιν δὲ ὡς ἐπὶ τ̣ὸ̣ πλεῖστον
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διὰ τὴν τῶν ὑδά̣των χρῆσιν̣ οἵ τε ἡ̣γού-
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μενο̣ι τῆς ἐπαρχείας, ἀλ̣λὰ κ̣αὶ οἱ ἐπί-
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τροποί σου· καὶ τ̣ὰς μὲν ἐξουσ̣ί̣α̣ς ὐε̣-
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νώτατα δεχ̣όμε̣θ̣α κατὰ τ̣ὸ ἀναγκα̣ῖον,
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55
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τοὺς λοιποὺς ὑποφέ̣ρ̣ε̣ιν̣ μ̣ὴ δυνάμε-
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νοι ἐνετύχομεν πλειστάκις̣ τοῖς ἡγε-
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μόσι τῆ̣ς Θρᾴκης, οἵτινες ἀκολούθως
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ταῖς θε̣ίαις ἐντολ̣αῖς ἐκέλευσαν ἀοχλ̣ή-
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τους ἡ̣μᾶς εἶναι· ἐ̣δη̣λ̣ώσαμεν γὰρ μη-
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60
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κέτ̣ι ἡμᾶ̣ς δύνασθαι ὑπομένε̣ιν, ἀλ̣-
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λὰ καὶ νοῦν ἔχειν συνλε̣ί̣π̣ειν καὶ τοὺ̣ς
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πατρῴους θ̣εμελίους διὰ τὴν τ̣ῶν
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ἐπερχομένων ἡμεῖν βίαν· καὶ γὰρ
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ὡς ἀληθῶς ἀπὸ πολλῶν οἰκοδεσπο-
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65
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τῶν εἰς ἐλαχίστο̣υς κατεληλύθα-
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με̣ν· καὶ χρόνῳ μέν τινι ἴ̣σχ̣υ̣σεν
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τὰ προστάγματα τῶ̣ν̣ ἡγου̣μένων
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καὶ οὐδεὶς ἡμεῖν ἐνόχλησεν οὔτε
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ξενίας ματι οὔτε παροχῆς ἐπι-
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70
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τηδείων, προϊόντων δὲ τῶν χρόνων
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πάλιν ἐτόλμησαν ἐπιφύεσθαι ἡ-
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μεῖν πλεῖστοι ὅσοι ῆς ἰδιωτίας
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ἡμῶν καταφρονοῦντες· ἐπεὶ οὖν οὐ-
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κέτι δυνάμεθα φέρειν τὰ βάρη
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75
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καὶ ὡς ἀληθῶς κινδυνεύομεν ὅπερ
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οἱ λοιποὶ τόδε καὶ ἡμεῖς προλιπεῖν
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τοὺς προγονικοὺς θεμελίους, τού-
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του χάριν δεόμεθά σου, ἀνίκητε
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Σεβαστέ, πως διὰ θείας σου ἀντιγρα-
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80
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φῆς κελεύσῃ ἕκαστον τὴν ἰδίαν πο-
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ρεύεσθαι ὁ̣δὸν̣ καὶ μὴ ἀπολιμπάνοντας
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αὐτοὺς τὰς ἄλλας κώμ̣α̣ς ἐφ’ ἡμᾶς
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ἔρχεσ̣θ̣α̣ι μήτε δὲ κ̣α̣τανα̣γκάζειν
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ἡ̣μᾶ̣ς̣ χορηγεῖ̣ν α̣ὐτος προῖκα τὰ
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85
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ἐπιτήδια̣· ἀ̣λ̣λὰ μ̣ηδὲ ξενίαν αὐ̣τοῖς̣
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παρέχ̣ειν, οἷς μή̣ ἐστιν ἀ̣νάγκη, -ὅτι
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γὰρ οἱ ἡγούμενοι πλεο̣ν̣άκις ἐκέ-
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λευσαν μὴ̣ ἄ̣λλῳ παρέχεσθ̣αι ξε-
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νίαν εἰ μὴ τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν ἡ̣γ̣ουμέ-
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90
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νων καὶ ἐπιτρόπων ἐκπεμ-
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πομένοις εἰς ὑ̣πηρεσίαν· ἐὰν δὲ
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βα̣ρο̣ύ̣μεθα, φευξό̣μεθ̣α̣ ἀ̣πὸ τ̣ῶν
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ο̣ἰ̣κ̣ε̣ίων καὶ μεγίστ̣η̣ν̣ ζημίαν τ̣ὸ
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ταμ̣εῖον περιβληθή̣σεται -ἵν̣α
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95
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ἐ̣λεηθέντες διὰ τὴν θείαν σου
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πρόνοιαν καὶ μείναν̣τες ἐν
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τοῖς ἰδίο̣ις τούς τε ἱερ̣οὺς φόρους
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κ̣αὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τελέσ̣ματα π̣αρ̣ασχεῖν
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δυνησόμ̣εθα· συμβήσεται δὲ
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100
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τοῦτ̣ο ἡμ̣εῖν ἐν τ̣οῖς εὐτ̣υ̣χεστά-
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τοις σοῦ καιρ̣οῖς, ἐὰν̣ κελ̣εύσῃ̣ς
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τὰ̣ θεῖά σου γράμματα ἐν στ̣ή̣-
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λῃ ἀναγραφέν̣τα δ̣ημοσίᾳ πρ̣ο-
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φ[α]νεῖσθα̣ι, ἵνα̣ τούτ̣ου τυχόντε̣ς
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105
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τῇ Τύχῃ σου χάριν ὁμολογ̣εῖν
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δυνησόμ̣εθα, ὡς καὶ νῦν καθ̣ο̣[σ]-
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[ι]ωμένοι σου ποιοῦμεν.
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English translation:
This translation is reproduced from Hauken, Tor, Petition and Response: An Epigraphic Study of Petitions to Roman Emperors, 181-249. Monographs from the Norwegian Institute at Athens, Vol. 2. Bergen: Jonsered, Sweden: Norwegian Institute at Athens ; Distributor, P. Åstrøms Förlag, 1998, p. 95-96. I wish to thank Prof. Hauken for his kind permission to reproduce it.
I. Authentication (ll. 1-5) Good Fortune. In the consulate of Fulvius Pius and Pontius Proculus [238], on December 16 copied and examined from the collection of petitions answered by our master, the emperor Caesar Marcus Antonius Gordianus Pius Felix Augustus, and posted in Rome in the portico of the Baths of Trajan in the words which are written below.
II. Note of delivery (ll. 6-7) Presented by Aurelius Pyrrus soldier in the tenth praetorian cohort pia fidelis Gordiana, of Proculus’ century, fellow villager and owner.
II. Petition to Gordianus III (ll. 8-11) To the emperor Caesar Marcus Antonius Gordianus Pius Felix Augustus. Petition from the villagers of Skaptopara, also called the Greseitai. (ll. 11-21) That in your most happy and everlasting times the villages should be inhabited and prosper, rather than the inhabitants should be driven off, you have on many occasions stated in your rescripts. (ll. 15-17) This policy is both salvation to the people and to the profit of your most sacred fisc. (ll. 18-21) Therefore we too bring a legal supplication to your divinity, praying that you will look graciously upon us when we entreat you in this way. (ll. 21-26) We dwell and have our property in the village mentioned above; it is most attractive because it has thermal springs and lies between the two military camps which are in your [province of] Thracia. (ll. 26-30) In the past – as long as the inhabitants were left alone and not subject to extortion – they contributed faultlessly in full both taxes and the other impositions. (ll. 30-33) But when some persons now and then started to get rough and use force, then the village too started to decline. (ll. 33-44) A famous market takes place two miles from our village. Those who stay there to attend the market, do not [however] remain at the marketplace for all the fifteen days – they leave it and turn up in our village and compel us to provide them with quartering and most of the other things for their entertainment without offering payment. (ll. 44-49) In addition, these soldiers that are despatched elsewhere leave their proper routes and appear among us and likewise press us hard to furnish them quartering and provisions without paying anything. (ll. 50-53) For the most part because of the thermal springs the provincial governors but also your procurators come here to stay. (ll. 53-59) We greet the authorities in a most hospitable way by necessity, but as we could not put up with the others, we have on many occasions appealed to the governors of Thracia, and they have – in accordance with the imperial instructions (mandata) – ordered that we shall be undisturbed (ll. 59-63). We explained that we can no longer remain, but that all of us have in mind to leave our ancestral homes because of the violence of those who assault us. (ll. 63-66) For in very truth from (being) landowners we have been reduced to very few. (ll. 66-73) For some time the orders of the governors held force and no one troubled us by demanding either quartering or provisions. But as time went on, numerous persons who despise our private status have again ventured to stick close. (ll. 73-107) So, since we can no longer sustain these burdens and, as the others, we too really face the risk of abandoning the settlements of our ancestors, (ll. 77-86) for this reason we beg you, invincible Augustus, to order by your sacred rescriptum that everyone shall keep to his proper route, that they shall not leave the other villages and come to us and compel us to offer them provisions at our expense, and that we shall not quarter those who are not entitled to [such service]. (ll. 86-94) For the governors have on many occasions ordered that quarters should not be provided for men other than those sent on service by governors and procurators. If we are oppressed, we shall flee our homes, and the fisc will be embroiled in the greatest loss. (ll. 94-99) If we are shown mercy by your divine foresights and remain in our homes, we will be able to provide both the sacred taxes and the other impositions. (ll. 99-107) This will happen to us in your most happy times if you order that your divine letter shall be written on a stele and set up in public so that we, when we have obtained this, can acknowledge our gratitude to your Genius, just as we do now because we [regard] you [with reverence].
Commentary:
Official petitions addressed by local entities to the emperors began to be most commonly inscribed in the high imperial period, particularly in the first half of the 3rd century when the phenomenon reached its peak (see Hauken, Petition and Response). This inscription found near the modern city of Blagoevgrad (Bulgaria), and belonging to the community of Skaptopara, is the most complete testimony of an epigraphic genre which sheds unique light onto the impact of Roman power on a provincial population.
These imperial petitions normally followed a set format composed of formal elements which were visibly divided in the stone from Skaptopara. On top, an invocation to good fortune (Fortuna) opened the document and preceded the formulas of greeting and authorisation. This part of the text was written in Latin, since this was the language dominating legal clauses in the Roman empire during the 3rd century CE, as shown, for example, by the Market rights of Mandragoreis or the local resolution of Mylasa. The first section thus served to give official validity to the local copy of a document produced by the Roman administration. In this case, the text was dated to December 16th during the consulship of Fulvius Pius and Pontius Proculus (238 CE), and had been taken from the roll of petitions and rescripts (liberlibellorum rescriptorum) which was published on the walls of the Baths of Trajan in Rome. This process of public exposition was an integral part of the mechanism by which responses were provided via a department of the imperial administration, known as a libellis. Firstly, the petitions needed to be handed in and the text of either the emperor or his representatives was added below through a subscriptio (see Millar, The Emperor, p. 537-549; Honoré, Emperors and Lawyers, p. 3-94). For the people of Skaptopara, the deliverer was Aurelius Pyrrus, as indicated in the registry note inscribed between lines 6 and 7. Not only was this soldier a fellow-villager (convicanus) who possessed land (conposesor), but he also belonged to one praetorian cohort which was normally stationed in Rome, making the sending of the petition on behalf of the Thracian community easier.
The actual text of the petition starts in line 8 and is written in Greek, reflecting the use of the language for official communications in this area of the eastern Balkans. However, one should not automatically assume that the rural population allegedly addressing the plea possessed the high degree of linguistic refinement and expertise developed over the approximately 100 lines inscribed. The speech is perfectly structured around a preamble, a narration and a final request, which comply with complex oratorical strategies mastered by 3rd century rhetors such as Menander of Laodicea (see Heath, Menander: A Rhetor in Context). These arrangements are found in several contemporary petitions surviving from different parts of the Empire and appear to show the common employment of professional logographers (cf. Crook, Legal Advocacy, p. 155-158). For instance, the opening statement attributed to the inhabitants of Skaptopara serves as a clear captatio benevolentiae with references to the very joyful and eternal times that Gordian III had managed to institute. In such a context, villages (κῶμαι/kômai) were supposed to prosper (βελτιοῦσθαι/beltiousthai), as this would bring salvation (σωτηρία/sôtêria) to humankind and benefits to the very sacred state treasury (ταμεῖον/tameion) of the emperor. Taking his cue from messages of imperial ideology, such as the concept of Felicitas Temporum (see Noreña, Imperial Ideals, p. 165-174; cf. Tacitus, Agricola, 3.1; Pliny, Letters X. 12, 58.7), the composer of the text even presents this supplication (ἱκεσία/hikesia) as lawful (ἔννομος/ennomos) and dependant on an emperor’s divinity (θειότης/theiotês) which could be compelled through prayers (εὐχόμενοι/euchomenoi).
This verbose encomium is followed by a simpler description of the issues motivating the petition. In the first place, the villagers lived and had properties in lands gifted with hot springs (ὕδατα θερμά/hydata therma; the area is still renowned as a spa centre), which lay between two military camps of Thrace. This province, unlike northern Moesia, was not subject to the high military presence present along the Empire frontiers. However, auxiliary detachments could also be stationed in “unarmed” provinces, especially considering the threats menacing the Danube which the Goths also crossed in 238 CE (HA, Max.Bal. XVI.3, cf. Martin, Dexipp, p. 161-162). Prior to such military pressure, the inhabitants of Skaptokara claimed to have contributed to all the imperial taxes (φόροι/phoroi) without problems, but now they were suffering from abuses (βιάζεσθαι/biazesthai) causing decline (ἐλαττοῦσθαι/elattousthai). Excesses by soldiers upon the local population were not novel in the Roman Empire, as illustrated by the letter of Hadrian to Asia or the governor Iulius Saturninus in Syria.And yet, the phenomenon appears to have aggravated in this period of the mid-third century. Preceding the tumultuous accession of the young Gordian III, an unrefined military man such as Maximinus Thrax ruled, and the army took advantage of the general’s complicity to terrorise the population according to Herodian (VII.3.6). In the case of Skaptopara, a second feature of this rural territory proved particularly detrimental. A fair (πανήγυρις/panêgyris) was held not far from the village (l. 33-34). As we are informed from the speech that Aurelius Pyrrus delivered before the provincial governor – not included in our edition – the market was held several times every year, and most especially at the beginning of October when it enjoyed a special tax-free status for 15 days. In principle, such trading privileges were beneficial and sought after, as attested in the petition of the Mandragoreis and the privileges of Baetocaece. However, they could also attract soldiers who would then requisition quartering. Such negative consequences are not always evident in our sources and could support the position of rabbis who generally opposed fairs in which idolatry was practiced. The people of Skaptopara did not oppose providing hospitality (ξενία/xenia) to provincial governors (ἡγεμόνες/hêgemones) and their procurators (ἐπίτροποι/epitropoi), but they could not endure others who did not provide payment (ἄνευ ἀργ̣υρίου/aneu argyriou). In this sense, the text shows awareness of the legislation regulating the billeting and transport of military personnel (see Edict of Galatia on Transport). Indeed, the petition refers to sacred letters (θεῖαι ἐντολαί/theiai entolai) which should have prevented these abuses after numerous appeals to the provincial authorities. Through such imperial instructions, we know for example that the senators in the Severan period were exempted from hosting soldiers and copies were subsequently put up in their estates (see Jones, “The Sacrae Litterae”). The villagers of Skaptopara were therefore denouncing the lack of effectiveness in previous measures, but still relied on the channels of the Roman administration to find a solution, even if that implied reaching the emperor in the imperial capital. The final section of the petition is based on the same premise.
From line 73 to 107, the text summarises the arguments and specifies a concrete request after the description of the case. In rhetorical terms, this conclusion is called a preces, and a more dramatic tone predominates. The petitioners refer collectively to unsustainable burdens (τὰ βάρη/ta barê) which threatened survival in their ancestral settlements (προγονικοὶ θεμέλιοι/progonikoi themelioi). Hence, they beg (δεόμεθά/deometha) the emperor who is called in the vocative “invincible Augustus” (ἀνίκητε Σεβαστέ/anikête Sebaste). Again, it is not his military power that is sought after, but rather an imperial rescript (θεία ἀντιγραφή/theia antigraphê), a piece of legislation emanating from Gordian III’s providence (πρόνοια/pronoia) so that they could remain in their homes and pay the corresponding taxes. To this end, the closing sequence underlines that the inhabitants of Skaptopara were ready to set up a stele and display it in public. The epigraphic document, moreover, would not only have legal validity, but also express gratitude towards the Fortune (Τύχη/tychê) of the emperor. As such, the survival of this inscription confirms the commitment of the ancestral settlers of this corner of Thrace, who believed in the solutions provided by not purely rhetorical pleas. The effectiveness of Gordian’s response cannot be measured, although previous legislative efforts to prevent this problem inherent to Roman domination clearly failed. Nonetheless, the most interesting outcome of this text is the illustration of a system by which the local population after the Constitutio Antoniniana could reach its rulers if the provincial administration did not work properly (see Connolly, Lives behind the Laws). The petition of Skaptopara is consequently indicative of a Roman power still directing the acts of its subjects even in a year such as 238 CE, which witnessed unsettling civil wars and obvious indications of Rome’s decline with the Goths crossing the Danube for the first time.
Keywords in the Original Language:
Thematic Keywords:
Bibliographical References:
- Hauken, Tor 1998 Petition and Response : An Epigraphic Study of Petitions to Roman Emperors, 181-249, (Bergen : Norwegian Institute at Athens)
- Heath, Malcolm 2004 Menander: A Rhetor in Context, (Oxford : Oxford University Press)
- Honoré, Tony 1994 Emperors and Lawyers. 2nd Ed., Completely Rev., with a Palingenesia of Third-century Imperial Rescripts, 193-305 AD, (Oxford : Clarendon Press)
- Jones, Christopher P. 1984 The Sacrae Litterae of 204: Two Colonial Copies, Chiron 14, 93-99
- Millar, Fergus 1992 The Emperor in the Roman World: 31 B.C.-A.D. 337, (London : Duckworth)
- Crook, John A. 1995 Legal Advocacy in the Roman World, (London : Duckworth)
- Connolly, Serena 2010 Lives behind the Laws: the World of the Codex Hermogenianus, (Bloomington, IN : Indiana University Press)
Related sources:
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How to quote this page
Gordian III and the imperial petition of Skaptopara
Author(s) of this publication: Aitor Blanco Pérez
Publication date: 2024-12-22 13:24:07
URL: https://heurist.huma-num.fr/heurist/judaism_and_rome/web/7/127
Judaism and Rome
Re-thinking Judaism's Encounter with the Roman Empire